This paper highlights the first and most important initiative of the newly founded Committee of Classics in the Community by relating my experience of partnering with an Aequora-site while teaching for the first time advanced Latin with a service-learning component. Public service is a hallmark of the identity of my university, where all undergraduates are required to complete a two-tier service-learning requirement. The university’s motto – non sibi, sed suis – is a recurring theme in its branding as an outward-facing academic institution.

The online presence of Classics has shifted profoundly over the past five years.  An abortive attempt by the then-APA to set up a team of regular columnists to publish online their thoughts on all things related to the discipline gave way to the much-more-successful endeavor of Eidolon, whose use of the Medium platform has helped it gain a wide readership and a sophisticated site design.  Meanwhile, scholars on both sides of the Atlantic have built robust Twitter followings and communities, Digital Classics projects have proliferated and expanded the amount of and means of access t

This paper has two aims: to offer a review of the approaches to Lucan’s Cato in the thirty years since Henderson 1988 and to add my voice to those who view Lucan’s Cato as a character that brings a glimmer of light to a sea of darkness.

Lucan’s Bellum Civile has long bedeviled critics with vexing questions concerning its unity and coherence. Chief among these questions has been that of its chief protagonist. Does the epic have a hero, and if so who? Arguments have been put forward for Caesar, Cato and Pompey, for the three of them as a group, and much more besides, including abstractions such as Libertas.

Lucan’s civil war epic accounts for the unmaking of Rome. Mirroring in format its chaotic subject matter, it has resisted easy analysis and interpretation due to its deliberate openendedness, episodic structure and lack of teleology (Henderson 1988; Masters 1992). Recent scholarship has moved away from ideological interpretations and suggested reading the Bellum Civile in an alternative way by considering imagery, stylistics and leitmotifs as ways to bind together Lucan’s meandering verses.

One of the central theses of the deconstructionist interpretation of the Bellum Civile is that the poem lacks a conventional teleology. Picking up on the identification between the epos and its subject proposed by Johnson (1987), Henderson (1988) and Masters (1992) argue that the poem is a civil war itself, and Lucan is a schizophrenic poet, who resembles Caesar in his ambition of writing an epic about nefas, and Pompey in his remorse. For this reason, the narrative flow is constantly interrupted and delayed.

This paper analyzes how the figure of the Virgin Mary came to be adopted as model for rulership and civic pride in the Middle Ages, and how today this can help to identify and articulate what female leadership means. Having dealt with the early medieval definition of Mary as principal intercessor for humankind and Queen of Heaven, I am interested in understanding something of a paradox: How Mary, the paradigm for modesty, became a symbol of political power? In Late Antiquity, Mary was the protector of Constantinople and Rome.

Scholars of Byzantium have acknowledged the widespread practice of associating the emperor with the great religious feasts of the liturgical calendar.  This practice, attested by ample textual and visual evidence, formulated ideas about the nature of Byzantine imperial power and its relationship to the divine.  Empresses too are linked with religious feasts in Byzantine texts and images, although much less frequently than emperors.  Despite the prevalence of linking imperial figures with religious feasts, scholars have not explored this body of texts and images from the point of view of gen

A Hellenistic inscription from Treskavec, published in the 1930s, tells us about a woman who, alarmed by Ephesian Artemis, freed slave Helena and her son Perister with the heirs (female) at the locality of Kolobaise. A preserved inscription built into the dome of the Treskavec church testifies to the existence of a temple to Ephesian Artemis, which was originally located in Kolobaise, which is assumed to represent an ancient city on the site of the medieval monastery of Treskavec.


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