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In this paper I argue that the use of denominations in Greek coinage could be socially embedded and circumscribed and thus question the assumption that denominational systems implied the free convertibility of the denominations in the systems. These insights allow me to explore the socially transformative effects inherent in the economic integration which Greek cities' minting decisions regarding denominations accomplished.

In his seminal 1964 article, "Hoards, small change and the origin of coinage," Colin Kraay argued that "few parts of the Greek world in the sixth and fifth centuries B.C. were equipped with a sufficient range and volume of low value coins to cater to the needs of daily retail trade. Where the denominations existed, they appear in quantity so small that they can have made little impression on the total currency." Nearly fifty years later, new finds have challenged that picture, making it certain that more archaic and classical authorities were in fact producing small change.

This paper explores the expression of identity of non-Roman freedwomen in the funerary monuments from Roman Britain in the second and third centuries C.E. During these centuries, the visibility of women on funerary monuments increased, whereas in the first and second centuries C.E. funerary monuments, which are valued primarily by non-native Britons to define their identity and social standing in an area controlled by members outside of their own culture, displayed iconography lauding a male’s military career.

Scholarly interest in the brief appearance of the Judaean queen Berenice in Suetonius’ Life of Titus has been concerned with establishing the facts of Berenice herself (Macurdy 1935) or of the political situation in Rome at the end of Vespasian's reign and the beginning of Titus' (Crook 1951, Rogers 1980, Braund 1984), but she is also an effective symbol of foreign power and territory brought into the heart of Rome. As such, she fits within the narrative motif of embodied empire that Suetonius deploys in his Lives.

In introducing Boudicca, Tacitus explains that the Britons do not consider sex in choosing their leaders (Tac. Agr. 16.1; cf. Tac. Ann. 14.35.1); yet Boudicca’s sex is central to her identity as a non-Roman dux femina. This paper argues that Boudicca’s use of exempla in Tacitus and Dio is a powerful means by which she demonstrates that her method of leadership is more worthy of emulation than that of the Roman imperial family. Tacitus’ Boudicca assimilates herself to Republican Roman models; Dio’s Boudicca compares herself to female leaders.

This paper focuses on how Livy uses the Carthaginian noble woman Sophonisba not only as a way perpetuating a cultural stereotype in regards to the Romans’ greatest national enemy but also as a morally didactic and generally essentialist warning to control the behavior and agency of Roman women. In so doing, we can glean a sense of the moral imperatives involved in Roman gender relations and the propagandists of the Augustan age as they passed these imperatives on to future generations of Roman men, and through them to Roman women.

Whenever one culture exerts power over another, there exists the possibility of (and anxiety about) the values and standards of the more dominant culture supplanting the traditional ones of the other culture, either forcefully or by willing adoption. In the context of the Roman Empire, this process is patently apparent in the mid-2^nd century CE writings of Apuleius, who illustrates his clear adoption of, and even preference for, many traditional Roman standards over those of other cultures, especially Greek and his native African.

Concurrent with the growing interest in the Western classics in China is a growing interest in the philosophies of Leo Strauss and Carl Schmitt. The goals of this paper will be, first, to discuss why Strauss and Schmitt are becoming influential in China, and, second, to analyze how the Western classics are being interpreted in China from this Straussian perspective.

China in the 21st century is gathering momentum in returning to its own classics and in promoting cultural exchanges with the West through the study of ancient Greece and Rome. While a few of the pioneering higher institutions are opening up to new branches of learning and introducing new courses in ‘western classics’, the promotion of Greek and Latin classics in China has not been without its share of trials and tribulations and still faces great challenges.

Apart from a fleeting show of interest in Virgil in 1930 in connection with the Two-Thousandth Anniversary of his birth, Virgil has never incurred any serious scholarly or popular attention in China until the end of the twentieth century. First attempted in 1930, the Chinese translation of the complete Aeneid did not appear until 1984. The complete Chinese translation of Eclogues was first published in 1957, while no attempt has been made to translate Georgics into Chinese yet.