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In his account of the First Punic War, Polybius describes the Roman and Carthaginian fleets as largely comprised of pentēreis or “fives” (cf. Polyb. 1.63.4-9). We should expect, therefore, that a sample of 10 similar sized rams originating from the naval battle concluding this war (i.e., the Battle of the Aegates Islands in 241 B.C.) would likely come from “fives.” This seems not to be the case, however. Comparative evidence from other known rams suggests that the Egadi weapons located thus far come from ship classes smaller than “fours.” Can Polybius be wrong?

After a number of successful field seasons, the battle zone for the naval clash between the Romans and Carthaginians in 241 B.C. is becoming increasingly defined. Remains from this naval battle-site detail the events of a Roman fleet conducting a surprise attack on a Carthaginian fleet, defeating it, and bringing an end to the First Punic War in Rome’s favor. This crucial naval engagement launched Rome on a path of Mediterranean conquest and the remains of this battle provide unprecedented evidence for warship construction and fleet operations in the third century B.C.

This paper briefly presents the story of my search for the Battle of the Aegates Islands. It begins with Cecè Paladino, a great spear fisherman and "the last of the Florios" (a famous dynasty of Sicilian entrepreneurs), who in the 1960s and 70s, reported hundreds of lead anchor stocks on the seabed along the eastern part of Levanzo island, in front of sheer cliffs. After hearing these reports from Cecè, I suspected that they belonged to the Roman fleet of C. Lutatius Catulus and gave important information about the location of the famous Battle of the Aegates Islands (241 B.C.).

“Agathinus says indeed that the contraction of the pulse is imperceptible (ἀναίσθητον), but Herophilus argues throughout as if he perceives it (ὑπὲρ ἀισθητῆς). Truly, it is difficult, even impossible, to believe one over the other … both having trained (γεγυμνασμένων) their faculties of reason and perception (τὴν αἴσθησιν) over a long time; indeed, it seemed fair that I should first hone (ἀσκῆσαι) my sense of touch to detect (αἰσθάνεσθαι) small differences.” (Galen, Peri Diagnôseôs 1.3, Kühn 8.786-7)

A.E. Hanson has thoroughly explored the agency granted to the human uterus in the Hippocratic corpus and Plato’s Timaeus: according to the Platonic treatise, the uterus is much like a sentient animal living within the female body, and the Hippocratic treatises regularly make use of “odor therapy” to attract or repel a misplaced uterus back into its appropriate location, as if it were mechanically or voluntarily affected by sweet or pungent scents.

The tongue in Aristotle is a complicated sense organ with multiple functions. It is simultaneously the site of laudable speech, immoral gluttony, and two distinct sensations of taste and touch. In my paper I will survey Aristotle’s discussion of tongues throughout his authorship to point out some conceptual peculiarities and discuss their implications for Aristotle’s general theory of perception. Of primary interest will be Aristotle’s treatment of the tongue as an organ of both touch perception and taste perception.

This paper uses Aristotle’s treatment of the physiological process of dreaming in the Parva Naturalia to illuminate his beliefs about the mechanisms of memory and recollection. Aristotle categorizes memory and recollection as activities of sensation (450a14) and reason (453a10-14), respectively, but he is also clear that both are physical phenomena (450a30-b11; 453a14-21). However, he nowhere offers a coherent explanation of the physical details.

This paper takes the opportunity, occasioned by the publication of Bonnie Honig’s profound meditations on the figure of Antigone, to dwell on the implications of the many interpretations of this ancient Greek character in modern and postmodern theory. From Hegel to Honig, we have seen a wide variety of readings of this crucial and excruciated girl, this virgin, this hero, the emblematic female, embodying family for Hegel (Phenomenology, Aesthetics), pure desire for Lacan (1997), queerness for Judith Butler (2002).

What does political theory gain from tragedy? Recent work by Bonnie Honig, Patchen Markell, Richard Halpern, and Tracy Strong pushes back against instrumentalist claims for art that reduce literary texts into moral lessons in how to be sympathetic to the experience of people unlike oneself.