145

This paper will sketch in 15/20 minutes the development in archaic Athens of a proper conceptualization of the frontiers of the chora as the limits of the polis. It will trace in archaic legal texts its emergence in connection with the growing understanding of the polis as the city plus its hinterland.

ὅταν δ᾽ ἐν ταῖς φιλίαις ἐγγένηται τὰ πάθη, οἷον ἢ ἀδελφὸς ἀδελφὸν ἢ υἱὸς πατέρα ἢ μήτηρ υἱὸν ἢ υἱὸς μητέρα ἀποκτείνῃ ἢ μέλλῃ ἤ τι ἄλλοτοιοῦτον δρᾷ, ταῦτα ζητητέον. –Aristotle, Poetics 1453b

In this paper I argue that an all but forgotten Latin text from the 1930s which lies entombed in the base of a marble obelisk in Rome significantly advances our understanding of the ways in which Italian fascism appropriated Roman antiquity in order to manage its own future reception.

On the 25^th April 1915 soldiers from Australia and New Zealand (Anzacs) landed at Gallipoli and this landscape, just across the Dardanelles from the mythological site of the Trojan War, came to occupy the collective Australian imagination as a mythological place of national origin. When talking about his ‘Gallipoli Series’ in 1978, the Australian artist Sidney Nolan said that ‘there is a kind of grandeur … natural about Homer one can feel is related to Anzac’ (Page-Nolan interview, 1978: 5).

The nonsense poetry of Edward Lear contains a wealth of classical material, both straightforward allusions and words patterned on, or even masquerading as, Latin or classical Greek. This paper explores the relationship between Lear’s use of classical material and his unorthodox educational background.

In Apuleius’ Metamorphoses, Lucius’ transformation into an ass precipitates a change not only in shape but also in status, as he falls from his rank as aristocrat to beast of burden. His metamorphosis robs him of both his human body and his human voice: “deprived of both human gesture and speech” (humano gestu simul et voce privatus), he can express himself only with a donkey’s pout and sidelong glance (3.25). Yet despite his lack of speech, he repeatedly - albeit unsuccessfully - attempts to communicate with those around him.

In this paper I consider Apuleius' allusions to Persius' Satires at Metamorphoses 1.3-4. I intend to demonstrate how references to Persius' Stoic brand of satire characterize the speech of Lucius, the Metamorphoses' protagonist, as morally vacuous. Although Keulen (2007) pointed out echoes of Persius in his commentary on Metamorphoses I and Gowers (2001) read the prologue alongside Persius, there has been no reading of the allusions in this scene collectively.

Matthew Lewis scandalized England in 1796 when he published The Monk, a macabre and wildly-popular Gothic novel filled with murder, incest, lascivious monks and satanic seduction. Among Lewis’s next works was something quite different: a long verse imitation of the thirteenth Satire of Juvenal, The Love of Gain (1799), in which he augmented the Roman poet’s work with all manner of Gothic paraphernalia – storms, demons, nocturnal terrors, psychological and religious conflict, and the lurid description of crime.

Juvenal begins Satire 14, perhaps the most neglected poem in his corpus, with the assertion that parents hand down folly and vice to their descendants through their living example (Plurima sunt, Fuscine, et fama digna sinistra/ et nitidis maculam haesuram figentia rebus,/ quae monstrant ipsi pueris traduntque parentes, 14.1-3). Previous commentators have elucidated how the staleness of Juvenal’s moral sentiments in Satire 14 undercuts the poem’s ethical considerations (Corn; cf.

When in Satire 1.4 Horace finally raises questions concerning the status of his poetic project and where it does (and does not) fit into a standing system of genres, his argument presents more problems than it dispels (for the anti-Aristotlean nature of the argument see Freudenburg 1993: 119-128; for Horace’s ironizing use of word arrangement (dispositio) see Anderson 1982: 23-25; Oberhelman and Armstrong 1995: 243 contrast Horatian and Ennian dispositio).