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The first four stasima of Euripides' Medea begin with dactylo-epitrite stanzas. Recent commentaries emphasize the dactylic portions of these and note their epic associations, positing “a slow and dignified movement” in contrast to the Aeolic stanzas that follow (Mastronarde 2002: 240; similarly Mossman 2011: 257). While the dactylic sections do recall epic, they are not the entire meter, and this paper studies the alternation of rhythms in these odes. By divorcing the rhythm of these stanzas from linguistic “frames” (cf.

The explicit aim of Plutarch’s How to Tell a Flatterer from a Friend is to help the great manage their interactions with the somewhat less great.  However, the last third of this text seems designed not for the more powerful man in an unequal friendship, but for the man whose status is slightly lower than his associate.  This paper argues that much of the advice given throughout Plutarch’s text can also apply to the lesser party in an unequal friendship and that this reflects both the hierarchical nature of imperial society, including inequality among elites, and Plutarch

In this paper, I examine the process of representation in the funerary relief of Fonteia Helena and Fonteia Eleusis, two freedwomen commemorated in Augustan Rome (CIL 6.18524).  I argue that these women are representing themselves as married to each other, and in doing so construct an identity for themselves using the cultural tools available to them.

Modern scholars (Starr 1954-55, 282-91; Baurain 1991, 255-66) have long assumed that the thalassocracy the Cretan king Minos was thought to have established over most of the Aegean sea and the Cycladic islands amounted to a fifth-century BCE Athenian invention endorsed by the historians Herodotus and Thucydides (Hdt. 3.122.2; Thuc. 1.4). According to this view, Minos was never imagined as a thalassocrat either outside of Athens or in earlier literature (Morris 1992, 174-5).

Villas for Cicero functioned as much more than passive backdrops to his activities: they provided a key means to fashioning his political image both in the real world described in his letters and in literature as illustrated in his dialogues. This paper considers Cicero’s representation of two villas in Tusculum, firstly the record in his letters of his own villa there and secondly the estate of Lucius Crassus used as the fictional setting for De Oratore, in order to explore how Cicero employed these residences to pursue his political agenda.

This paper explores Greek cities’ particular form of territoriality—the widely acknowledged but under-explored fact that each Greek city was a community constituted in relationship to a territory within which only its members were allowed to own land—as a factor shaping Greek archaic history. Scholars working on the “rise of the polis”, whether from a “state” or a “society” perspective (cf. most recently van Wees 2013 and Duplouy 2014), take the existence of fixed civic identities that everyone accepted for granted.

A passage of the sixth book of Lucretius’ De Rerum Natura includes an unusual expression of mockery in regard to the use of the ‘Etruscan verses’ (6.379-385: Tyrrhena carmina) in order to interpret the meaning of lightning bolts. In actuality, the poet claims, lightning is caused by colliding clouds; hence there is no agency of gods to be discovered in it.

Although the reception of Hesiod has gained considerable attention in recent scholarship, be it in the Greek tradition (e.g. Hunter 2014, Koning 2010, Schroeder 2006) or Roman (e.g. Rosati 2009, Sider 1988, Ziogas 2013), Hesiod's presence in Lucan's Bellum Civile has not been sufficiently recognized beyond a few brief remarks (e.g. in Martindale 1977).

The Story of Apollonius, King of Tyre is a late antique Latin romance of many layers. Originally a work of Greek prose fiction, Apollonius was translated into Latin during the High Roman Empire (Kortekaas 2004). In the fifth and sixth centuries, two Christian editors refashioned the text once more by adding direct quotations of and allusions to the Vulgate (Garbugino 2014). Their version is the earliest we have, and therefore represents a bricolage of pagan and Christian themes: a text in which characters can both visit the temple of Diana at Ephesus (c.

During her aristeia in Aeneid 11, Camilla encounters the Etruscan venator (678) Ornytus.  Several have observed that his name contributes to his characterization as a hunter, since ὀρνύναι “is used of starting up wild animals from covert in the chase” (Saunders 1940: 553; cf. Horsfall 2003 ad 677).  The Etymologicum Gudianum lists Ornytus under the lemma for ὀρνύω / ὄρνυμι as a derivative from the same root (*ὄρω).