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This paper reasserts the thesis that the amoebaean songs in Eclogue 3 recall Fescennine verses and the origins of comedy (Ecl. 3.59, amant alterna Camenae, with Currie 1976, et al.; cf. Ecl. 7.18). I argue in addition that the poem as a whole represents the beginnings of literary history and libertas in Italy.

            This paper explores a long-neglected intertextual allusion to shed new light on one of the most striking endings in Roman literature: Sallust’s portrayal of the aftermath of the Battle of Pistoria (62 BCE) in the final chapter of his Bellum Catilinae.

In the mid to late fifth-century, as Roman power in the West waned, Sidonius Apollinaris wrote nine books of epistles. Scholarship has largely focused on the historical utility of these epistles. They offer insights into the Gallo-Roman aristocracy of his period, the interaction between Romans and barbarians, and the organisation of the Church (Harries). Sidonius explicitly ruled out writing history owing perhaps to the political difficulties any such work would necessarily entail.

This paper analyzes three short prose narratives from the Romantic period: John Polidori’s ‘The Vampyre’ (1819), Lord Byron’s ‘Augustus Darvell: A Fragment of a Ghost Story’ (1819) and Mary Shelley’s ‘Valerius, the Reanimated Roman’ (1819). These narratives all depict British travelers in Greece and Rome who find themselves faced with Gothic horrors amid the monuments of the classical past.

Phthonos is a recurrent theme in Pindar’s epinician odes. Pindar invokes envy prominently in his poems, to the extent that this negative emotion is presented as inherent in praise poetry (e.g. Kirkwood 1984; Bulman 1992; Most 2003). The presence of phthonos affects the way epinician poetry is received by Plato, in that phthonos was in all probability perceived as a built-in negative emotion in epinician poems.

This paper will explore the role that hourly timekeeping plays in the fever treatises of Galen of Pergamon. Galen was a physician of the second-century CE, who served three emperors at Rome and whose theories of medicine shaped the practices of western physicians through the 18th century. The present paper will focus on Galen’s theory of intermittent fevers, a theory which was accepted with little question until the 16th century.

The "legalism" of Tertullian of Carthage — his profuse employment of the terms, concepts and idioms of Roman law, and of dramatic scenarios from the world of litigation and penal justice — is a traditional problem in early Christian studies. Was Tertullian a iurisperitus in his earlier life, perhaps even the Tertullianus whose work is attested in the Digest?

Many fragments of Greek historians and other prose writers are transmitted through text reuse by later sources.  Thus, for example, Athenaeus is the source of thousands of otherwise lost passages from hundreds of authors. Yet, in a casual reading, it is not possible to determine what constitutes directly quoted material, what is paraphrased, and what is significantly altered by the quoting writer.

The point of departure for this paper is the engagement of early Christian preachers with medical knowledge (Rouselle; Brown; Perkins; Shaw; Crislip). My protagonist is the Antiochene priest and later bishop John Chrysostom (347–407 CE), whose saturation in—and saturation of his orations with—medical discourse has only recently become the subject of focused investigation (Mayer).

     Greek translations of Latin literature remained uncommon throughout antiquity and the Byzantine world; the elegant Atticizing translations by the scholar monk Maximos Planoudes (c.1255–c.1305) were rare accomplishments indeed (Salanitro 1988). Planoudes’ translations of Ovid (Her., Met., and portions of Am.) and Boethius (De cons.) are deservedly popular (for editions: v. Fisher 2002, n. 55).