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This paper wishes to reexamine the evidence concerning legions allegedly raised among non-Romans in the last decades of the Republic (the so-called legiones vernaculae). Whereas some modern historians have understood this as part of a phenomenon foreshadowing the reforms of Augustus and the formal inclusion of auxiliary forces in the Roman army, others have been more reluctant to believe the testimony of some of the literary sources.

Recent archaeological investigation of streets has revealed new insights on their role in the urban fabric of Roman cities (e.g., Hartnett 2017, Poehler 2017, Kaiser 2011, Laurence 2007). Intersections, however, which subdivide urban spaces into blocks, focus attention of passersby, provide a locus for public engagement, facilitate commerce, and more, have received only limited attention and their Latin vocabulary, remarkably, has not been examined. The ancient sources use three terms for intersections: compitum, quadrivium, and trivium.

“for the trumpet will sound [salpisei], and the dead will be awakened as incorruptible” (1 Cor. 15.52). This passage from Paul has come to be identified with the eschatological doctrine of the resurrection of the dead, but the line itself appears within a very curious passage of the epistle, centering on the meaning of the word mystērion that Paul uses to describe his teaching.

Looking at discussions of characterized present stems in Greek (e.g., Schwyzer Debrunner 1939, Rix 1976, Chantraine 1991), it is customary to find an appendix to the familiar Greek presents in -σκω (like πάσχω or εὑ

This paper uses a close reading of Aelius Aristides’ Oration 39 (Regarding the Well in the Temple of Asclepius) to reveal an affect of distributed haptics at work at the Pergamenian Asklepieion. Asclepius was a divine practitioner of medicine and doctors, as Alex Purves has noted (2018:5), diagnosed and treated patients by touch. Aristides’ Oration 39—On the Sacred Well—demonstrates that touch was at the heart of the healing agency of the god and that this agency was distributed throughout the temple site.

Throughout his Bellum Civile, Lucan deploys imagery of violence against the self and against kin to convey the horror of civil war. From the opening lines, hands (manus/dextrae) that participate in this violence become a focal point for assigning or assessing guilt (1.3, 1.14, 1.23, 1.32). My analysis of the structured relationship between hand imagery and guilt in Lucan contributes to the debate on whether Lucan's narrator actively supports either party in civil war. (Ahl 1976, Masters 1992, Leigh 1992, Roller 1996, Bartsch 1997, Narducci 2002).

Recent scholarship on the archaic Greek polis no longer conceives of a monolithic state forcing elites to comply with its will, but instead portrays polis development as a negotiation between burgeoning institutions and the elites who made up these institutions (e.g., Von Reden 1997; Papakonstantinou 2008; Hawke 2011; Bubelis 2016).

Though scholars have long recognized that enslaved or formerly enslaved lectores “played a vital role in aristocratic Romans’ experience of literature,” (Starr 1991; Horsfall 1995) the oral performances of these figures have rarely factored into modern interpretive frameworks. Instead, scholars have largely privileged the text as the default point of mediation between author and reader. Recent years, however, have born witness to an explosion of scholarship emphasizing the Roman literary system’s reliance on enslaved labor (e.g. Moss 2021; Blake 2016; Habinek 2005).

This paper will explore the imitatio of Cicero’s renowned Catilinarian Orations (63 BCE) in the little-known second century CE compilation of controversiae, pseudo-Quintilian’s Minor Declamations. The Latin rhetorical exercise of the controversiae were a mock legal exercise which became the dominant and final stage of a Roman student’s education as well as an elite cultural institution in Rome during the first century CE.

In analyzing the geologist James Hutton’s cyclical conception of an eternal Earth, Gould remarked that “history demands a sequence of distinctive events” but that “[u]nder the metaphor of time's cycle in its pure form, nothing can be distinctive because everything comes round again” (Gould (1987) 80).