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In Aeneid 8 Evander tells Aeneas that the god Saturn gave Latium its name because he "had hidden" there after his overthrow by Jupiter (Aen.

Formatted title: Agency, Knowledge, and Consent in Moschus' Europa

The surviving portion of the Satyricon famously starts in the middle of Encolpius’ diatribe against declamation. His objections are about declamation’s tumid style and its alleged corrupting influence on young students. His interlocutor is Agamemnon, a teacher of rhetoric. Agamemnon interrupts Encolpius (non est passus Agamemnon me diutius declamare) and in his own speech largely agrees while shifting the blame from teachers to parents.

This paper examines the depiction of the Athenian trainer Menandros in Pindar’s Nemean 5 and Bacchylides 13, commissioned for Pytheas of Aegina’s pankration victory. I will argue that Pindar and Bacchylides employ convergent communicative strategies when praising Pytheas’ trainer Menandros. Both poets emphasize the trainer’s mobility in service of his trainees, as well as his Athenian origin.

Since the days of the Wissenschaft des Judentums, scholars of Jewish studies have tried to show classicists how important rabbinic literature is for their discipline. Although the rabbis could interest classicists for many reasons, in this paper I focus on rabbinic Greek. This modality of Greek is radically different from standard imperial Greek on both a morphological and semantic level. Rabbinic Greek is written in Hebrew script which can only imperfectly capture the sounds of the Greek language.

This paper considers the reception of the legend surrounding Carthage’s destruction by Rome and locates a new origin in the historiography and folklore of the medieval Maghreb. When the Roman general Scipio Aemilianus captured Rome’s longtime rival of Carthage in 146 BCE, he burned the city to the ground and declared it cursed ground, forbidden to any future settlement.

A Lost Tragedy for a Lost War? Receiving Euripides’ Lost Philoctetes

In a pseudo-documentary epistolary exchange in the Alexander Romance (3.18) (cf. Arthur-Montagne), Queen Kandake of Meroë responds to Alexander with a statement about the nature of her body and soul: μὴ καταγνῷς δὲ τοῦ χρώματος ἡμῶν· ἐσμὲν γὰρ λευκότεροι καὶ λαμπρότεροι ταῖς ψυχαῖς τῶν παρὰ σοῦ λευκοτάτων (“Do not despise our color, for we are whiter and more brilliant in our souls than the whitest among your people”).

Of Philostratus’ works the collection of Letters has garnered relatively little critical attention, at least in part because of their rejection of epistolary conventions. They strain the limits of epistolography, and instead might better be described as prose poems that abandon epistolary pretense altogether; as Rosenmeyer has argued, they are best conceptualized as “sophistic exercise[s] in variatio” (cf. Goldhill). Moreover, the fragmented transmission of the corpus (Stefec) presents hurdles to any cohesive interpretation.

Lucian’s De Dea Syria (henceforward DDS) describes the temple and cult of “the Syrian goddess” in Hierapolis. Its distinctive format, with a narrator who self-identifies as “Assyrian” yet imitates the language and style of Herodotus, has led modern scholars to interpret it as an optimistic model of how disparate cultural identities might be satisfactorily negotiated in the Imperial era (Lightfoot 2003; Andrade 2013).