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Frontinus’ De Aquaeductu has suffered from a limited range of critical engagement from scholars of ancient literature and history (notable exceptions: Baldwin 1994, DeLaine 1996, and Del Chicca 1995). This paper focuses on chapters 87-102, where Frontinus moves from describing the history of each aqueduct and the quality of the water it conveys to outlining the laws concerning the water supply and the history of the water administration (cura aquarum).

Counting to One: A Step toward Understanding the Homeric hapax ezeugmena

In attempting to reconstruct ancient Greek gambling, one is struck by the near omnipresence of dice. Lysias speaks of people ‘dicing away their patrimony’ (κατακυβεύσας τὰ ὄντα, 14.27; cf. Gernet and Bizos 1924-6, Lamb 1930, Albini 1955, Carey 1990 ad loc.); Isocrates of youth ‘dicing’ in gambling halls (ἐν τοῖς σκιραφείοις κυβεύουσι, Antid. 287; cf. Norlin 1928-9, Ley-Hutton and Broderson 1997, Too 2008 ad loc.); Xenophon’s Socrates shakes his head about ‘dicing’ (κυβεῖαι, Oec. 1.19-20; cf.

At least as of the mid-fourth century BCE, it was forbidden in Athens to insult citizens for selling things in the agora. Our source for this prohibition is Demosthenes’ Against Euboulides (345 BCE), in which the speaker Euxitheus appeals his deme’s decision to remove him from the citizen rolls.

Plutarch has a professed interested in recording women’s speech and women’s deeds, and the women he records often do not fit into the gender expectations set by his predecessors. Yet at the same time, I argue in this paper, Plutarch follows the long-standing literary tradition of not allowing women to speak in their own voice in philosophical dialogues, seen most spectacularly in his dialogues the Amatorius and the Symposium of the Seven Sages.

The manuscript of Andokides’ speech On the Mysteries (Burney 95) includes three decrees from 410–403 BCE: Patrokleides’, Teisamenos’ and Demophantos’ (§§77-9, 83-4, 96-8). For centuries scholars have found these documents reliable and often supposed that they derive from a collection of decrees made by Krateros the Macedonian (FGrH/BNJ 342). But in recent work their authenticity is much disputed: Canevaro and Harris (2012) have concluded that all three decrees are “forgeries,” fabricated (largely) from clues in the speeches.

In the Homeric world, murderers go on the run. Such is the case for many fugitives that appear in the Iliad and Odyssey, e.g. Tlepolemus (Il. 2.661-70), Patroclus (Il. 23.83-90), and Theoclymenus (Od. 15.222-55). The recurring murder-and-flight motif, however, does more than reference a common and recognized practice of the late Bronze and Archaic age (Gagarin 1981); it also provides context for the unfolding drama of the Iliad (Schlunk 1976 and Heiden 1998) and Odyssey.

This paper argues for a systemic and comparative approach to Roman imperialism during the transition from regional city-state to territorial empire in the late fourth century BCE. Like the Athenians and Syracusans, the Romans were fairly unique in the pre-modern world in how they established the territoriality of their empire. Living in a profoundly agrarian world, members of ancient Mediterranean citizen-city-states often divided up by lot, or “allotted,” confiscated land as a way to share the fruits of conquest.

It is widely recognized that Iliadic armies are neither democratic nor crudely autocratic (Albracht 1886; Latacz 1977; Finley 1978; van Wees 1986, 1992), and that treatments of the source of and limits on authority recur throughout the poem (Finsler 1906; Stanford 1955; Finley 1957; Donlan 1979; McGlew 1989; Hitch 2009). The neikos of Iliad 1 raises (and does not answer) such questions as: what makes warriors fight? and what makes some do what others tell them to do?

I propose that Vergil’s descriptions of bugonia in Georgics 4 (308-11 and 554-8) draw on Stoic theories of generation, according to which the heating properties of pneuma is responsible for any development of life. By defending this proposal, I set out to remove an interpretative taboo in Vergilian studies: looking for an allegorical bugonia in the Aeneid. Vergil compares the souls in Elysium awaiting rebirth to bees (A.