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This paper traces a history of Greek interaction with foreign scripts in the 7th/6th centuries. In

recent years, the adaption of the Greek alphabet from north Semitic script has become clearer as

more ostraca are known from various parts of the Late Geometric Euboean world, such as

Pithekoussai, Eretria, and Methone (West 2015, Papadopoulos 2016). In the late archaic period,

the alphabet is known to have been called in inscriptions the made-up ethonym poinikeia,

‘Phoenician letters’ (Kritzas 2010) (cf. Herodotus’ appellation as παρὰ τῶν Φοινίκων τὰ

The Naso Equilibrium: Game Theory and the Game of Love in the Ars Amatoria

On the reverse of a denarius minted in 56 B.C., the monetalis C. Memmius hails his more famous uncle, also a C. Memmius (pr. 58), with the legend Memmius Imperator on either side of a trophy and a kneeling captive (Crawford RRC 427/1).

The opening columns of the Derveni papyrus, an extraordinarily weird literary text of the late 5th century bce that was copied in the 4th century and rediscovered in 1962, present an extraordinary challenge to scholarship. The main body of the papyrus contains a commentary on an early Orphic theogony, wherein generations of gods succeed one another by means of violence and rape.

There have many studies of theories of first principles in ancient Platonisms such as the Old Academy, Middle Platonism, and Neoplatonism, and in Platonically inclined religious thinkers such as Philo of Alexandria, Gnosticism, and Christianity.

As Monica Gale notes in the introduction to her edited volume of seminal articles on Lucretius, several studies in the past three decades have confirmed that “Analogy is perhaps the key tool in Lucretius’ argumentative armoury” (Gale 2007: 4). Yet when it comes to the celebrated dust-mote analogy of DRN 2.112-141, the consensus is that the analogy is illustrative, but not probative (Schiesaro 1990: 28–29; Schrijvers 1999: 183–84; Fowler 2002: 187, 190, 192–93, 202).

In this paper I show how Socrates’ discovery of the genus, mania, as a preliminary step in the intellectual procedure of collection and division in the Phaedrus is presented in two distinct ways. The art of collection and division is employed in order to define erôs and is described by Socrates as a technê, and related both to rhetoric and to medicine (e.g. 270b).

In doctrines of metempsychosis, the soul of an individual that passes through different bodies must preserve in some sense the personality of that individual. Otherwise, transmigration is meaningless (see Huffmann 2009). Yet Empedocles of Agrigento (fifth century BCE), who taught metempsychosis, does not seem to have had a concept of soul responsible for personality.

From Tertullian to Augustine, Latin Christian writers treated traditional Roman religion on a scale and frequency unmatched since the late Republic and early Empire. Modern scholars, however, have often criticized Christian works on Roman religion for their reliance on Classical texts, accusing them of being disconnected from contemporary pagan religiosity (Cameron: 621, Turcan: 35–6, Chadwick: 22).

This paper argues that dreams are central to the structure, style, and program of Ovid’s Metamorphoses. Although recent scholarship (Tissol (1997), Hardie (2002), Von Glinski (2012), Lévi (2014)) has emphasized individual dreams’ functions as poetic metonymies, this work demonstrates that, when taken as a joined set, and when viewed in light of the role of dreams in the Greco-Latin epic tradition, Ovid’s dreams serve as privileged vehicle for this song of changed forms.