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The study of the epic cycle is a growth industry that has produced much ground-breaking research in recent years, but comparatively little attention has been paid to the importance of the cycle for post-Homeric poetry. Did Pindar allude to lost Trojan epics? Some simply assert a positive answer (e.g. West 2013) while others express doubt in passing (e.g. Burgess 2001). Rutherford 2015 has offered by far the most sophisticated and substantial discussion of this topic, but he cautiously avoids endorsing any firm conclusions.

The proem to Lucan’s Pharsalia stands out within the epic tradition which frames it. Malcovati 1951 and Conte 1966 have demonstrated its engagement with the Aeneid and Iliad, but in many ways it deviates from the norms established by these models. In particular, its paratactic syntax departs markedly from Vergil’s periodic structure; instead of a coherent overview of the trajectory of the epic, we are treated to a rapid torrent of phrases representing the horrors of civil war.

In this paper I shall look at how notaries produced the records of the Council of Chalcedon (451) and what such records can tell us about the spoken language of educated men in Late Antiquity.

This paper examines the extensiveness and intricacy of the reception of a Hesiodic image in Xenophon and Plato, and particularly its elaborate repurposing in the latter’s presentation of philosophical methodologies. The Works and Days famously contrasts a choice of paths: one leads towards base laziness, a smooth and easy path to choose (ἑλέσθαι / ῥῃδίως· λείη μὲν ὁδός, 287-288); and another towards excellence, sweat-laden (ἱδρῶτα, 289), long, and rough at first (μακρὸς δὲ καὶ…/ τρηχὺς τὸ πρῶτον, 290-291).

We present a digital resource, the Archives of Classical Scholarship, that advances student research by fostering discovery, topical breadth, and affinity with preceding scholars' groundwork, enriching the field generally. The universe of classical scholarship spans disciplines, centuries, and national boundaries, and classicists embrace a globally diverse textual corpus. In classical studies classrooms, instructors endeavor to introduce students to specific topics while also raising awareness of the areas where scholars have dedicated years and decades of effort.

This paper presents a new method for gauging the cost of waging the naval struggle of the First Punic War (264-241 B.C.E.). Scholars have tended to be sharply critical of Carthaginian strategy, presented as passive and sluggish in the face of Roman boldness and willingness to endure losses (Thiel 1954; Lazenby 1996, 2004; Grainger 2011; Hoyos 2015). This paper presents a reassessment of this view in three main parts, beginning with an effort to estimate the cost of naval operations during the war.

A tension between labor-intensive process and spontaneous emergence defines Hesiodic preoccupations with materiality and poetics. This tension is readily seen in the coexistence of the two plows that Hesiod recommends his addressee “store up in the house, one of a single-piece (αὐτόγυον) and the other fit together (πηκτόν), since it is much better (πολὺ λώιον) this way” (v. 433).

Using the recent determination of the pattern of leap years in the Roman civil calendar between 41 BCE and 8 BCE and the epigraphically attested dates of 27 triumphs from 45 BCE to 19 BCE on the Fasti Triumphales Capitolini and the Fasti Triumphales Barberiniani, I shall demonstrate that the Romans avoided scheduling triumphal processions through the streets of Rome on the nundinae, the market-day of their 8-day “week”.

This paper examines the ambivalent relationship between immortality and the body as expressed through the Greek myths of Prometheus and Chiron, with a special focus on the meaning of the wounded body. In the poetry of Hesiod, Aeschylus, and Pindar, Prometheus and Chiron are presented as divine yet liminal figures, civilizers who pass knowledge and the means for living to mortals.

This paper offers a new reading of the mutiny on the Rhine in Book 1 of Tacitus’ Annales. Scholars have long noted that Tacitus’ juxtaposition of the mutiny on the Rhine with the earlier mutiny in Pannonia creates an effective synkrisis between the two young commanders at the head of each army, Germanicus and Drusus (Ross 1973). In this paper, I contend that this is not the only comparison that Tacitus is making; rather, he also assesses Germanicus’ behavior in relation to the ways in which great generals of the past handled similar situations.