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Isocrates composed speeches (non-forensic ones, except for Antidosis) that appear to aim at various addressees in various settings--the assembly, panhellenic gatherings, and sole rulers, etc. However, it is well-known that his speeches were never actually delivered but only existed in written form. It may result in a distinction between the internal and external audiences. Who were his speeches written for? I will approach this issue from two angles: the rhetorical strategies he used to articulate his authority, and the modes of communication and dissemination he employed.

Dialectic is crucial to both Latin rhetoric (its ‘counterpart,’ e.g. Orat. 113) and philosophy (a main subdivision of λογικὴ, e.g. Ac. 32), but of the ancient disciplines, dialectic is the most difficult to define (Castagnoli 2010; Inwood 1990). The paragraphs on dialectic scattered across works of Latin philosophy or rhetoric are among the most notoriously unclear passages in Latin literature. Scholars usually take dialectic (dialectica, dialecticae ars, disserendi ratio, etc) to mean formal logic (e.g. Barnes 1997).

In a curious passage of Xenophon’s Cynegeticus the author concludes his exhaustive description of a hare’s visible qualities with the judgment: “and so pleasing is the spectacle, that no one, if he sees it being tracked, found, chased, and captured, could not forget if he should love anything” (5.33). The notion of a sight so overpowering as to obliterate love compares to a later statement in the treatise that refers to hunting and identifies it as the only pleasure of young men that also benefits them (12.7).

What results did rhetoricians ascribe to the school curriculum they recommended? Their instructions to mimic the diction of Attic orators, to assess legal fictions in declamation, or to learn highly abstract prescriptions for style have long puzzled scholars. These exercises exhibit little overt awareness of the practical demands of an oratorical career, even if they effectively train technical skills and acculturate students to desired social values and behaviors (Winterbottom, Bloomer, Cribiore, Kaster).

This paper demonstrates that copyists in the ancient Mediterranean were trained and worked as scribes from a significantly earlier age than previously understood. Scholars have noted that the writing exercises used to train the bookhands of apprentice copyists employ the same paradigms found in elementary school texts (Bellet; Cribiore, 1996, 2001; Fournet). My analysis of these exercises, informed by data from apprenticeship contracts and documents, indicates that training copyists practiced using elementary school texts because they were elementary school-aged children.

This paper follows one of the main research strands of the ERC RESP project (The Roman Emperor Seen from the Provinces – GA 101002763), which investigates how Roman emperors were represented on visual media in the provinces, from Augustus to Diocletian.

A depiction of the Hades and his chariot, his arm wrapped around the waist of Persephone and she tries to throw herself out of the vehicle is seen repeatedly on the reverses of coins from the first century BCE to the mid-third century CE, from Macedonia to Egypt, Aoelis to Lydia. The dynamic iconography of the scene is known to us from a fourth-century BCE fresco in tomb in Vergina and a similarly-dated mosaic in in tomb in Amphipolis, although it first appears on coins from Nysa, in Lydia, three hundred years later.

Continuity between the emerging Hellenistic monarchies and the Argead past is much debated in recent scholarship. With royal coins being our best source for the question, this paper argues for taking a broader view of Macedonian coining traditions. Though a formidable figure, Alexander did not excise everything that had come before him. In three case studies from respectively Egyptian, Asian and European contexts, I shall attempt to demonstrate two main points, namely

At the beginning of the 4th century BC, a series of coins was struck in Croton that inspired numerous copies in the Magna Grecia. The female deity on the obverse - commonly addressed as Hera Lacinia - was particularly popular in Campania. Among scholars, the use of this motif has been interpreted as the shared type of the Italiotic League (Rutter & Burnett; but Parise).

This paper, provisionally investigates the phenomenon of copying numismatic types within the Hellenistic corpus of Alexandria Troas, a polis formed through a “forced” synoikism of eight existing settlements under Antigonos Monophthalmos. In particular, the project uses coinage types as a lens to better understand the identity formation process of this newly founded polis and the intra-city dynamics of such cities during the early years after their foundation.